Ratidzo Makombe

THE effects of climate change are an undeniable reality, particularly in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region.

In recent years, the region has faced devastating climate-related disasters, from the catastrophic flooding caused by the Subtropical Depression Issa in 2022 to the severe droughts induced by the 2023/2024 El Niño phenomenon across multiple countries. In 2024, the region recorded its hottest and driest February in 40 years, and by 2025, parts of South Africa, including Gauteng, are experiencing unusual fly infestations linked to extreme weather.

These events have resulted in loss of life, cholera outbreaks, and worsening food insecurity, all of which threaten human security in Africa.

Addressing climate change requires more than just policies—strong democratic institutions. Democracy enables citizens to demand action through civil and political rights (first-generation), ensures access to essential services like food and water (second-generation), and upholds environmental protections (third-generation). However, as democracy declines worldwide, so does progress on long-term climate solutions."

However, the global decline of democracy threatens these rights, particularly third-generation rights, which require long-term investments that often conflict with short-term political interests.

A report by the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), which has tracked democratic performance in 158 countries since 1975, found that 47% of nations experienced a decline in key democratic indicators over the past five years—marking the eighth consecutive year of global democratic decline as of 2024. This regression has weakened environmental governance, as many governments prioritise short-term economic gains over long-term sustainability.

Several case studies illustrate the intersection of the decline in democratic governance and the worsening climate crisis globally.

Firstly, in Brazil, between 2019–2022, under President Jair Bolsonaro, deforestation in the Amazon surged due to weakened environmental protections, reduced funding for enforcement agencies, and policies favouring agribusiness and mining.

Illegal logging, land grabs, and wildfires increased carbon emissions and biodiversity loss. Conversely, Russia is considered to have an authoritarian setting; hence, transparency is limited.

Russia has been accused of suppressing environmental activism and independent climate reporting. Organisations like Greenpeace and individual climate advocates have faced government crackdowns, making assessing the country's true environmental impact difficult. Lastly, in the United States, between 2017–2021, the Trump administration rolled back over 100 environmental regulations, including the Clean Power Plan and methane emission standards. The U.S. also withdrew from the Paris Agreement, signalling a retreat from global climate commitments. This pattern has continued under the 2025 administration.

In order to counter the short-term politics shown above and drive meaningful climate action, a strong inter-continental civil society must hold governments accountable, which is possible because of globalisation. One of the most impactful intergovernmental treaties is the Escazú Agreement, the first legally binding pact in Latin America and the Caribbean to protect environmental human rights defenders. It ensures access to information, public participation, and justice in environmental matters, promoting transparency and sustainable development.

Moreover, despite the decline of democracy, international trade has expanded significantly. Agreements like the European Union-Mercosur partnership aim to create one of the world's largest free trade zones, covering over 700 million people and nearly 25% of global GDP.

By integrating enforceable environmental clauses, trade mechanisms—such as sanctions or conditional aid—can pressure governments to take more decisive climate action. Additionally, legally binding, long-term climate frameworks are essential to insulate policies from political shifts. For instance, the European Union Climate Law commits the bloc to carbon neutrality by 2050, preventing future governments from reversing progress. Establishing similar frameworks worldwide is crucial for sustained climate action.

On the African continent, governance challenges further complicate climate resilience. This is evident in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), home to the Congo Basin—the world's second-largest rainforest—the DRC plays a crucial role in carbon sequestration. However, weak governance, corruption, and illegal logging have driven widespread deforestation, prioritising short-term economic gains over long-term sustainability. Nigeria, Africa's largest oil producer, relies heavily on fossil fuels. Despite its vast renewable energy potential, political instability and short-term economic interests have hindered the country's transition toward sustainable alternatives.

Lastly, Zimbabwe's economic crises and political instability have stifled innovation and investment in climate adaptation. Recurring droughts and food insecurity persist, while weak governance limits the country's ability to implement effective resilience strategies.

For African countries to effectively strengthen climate resilience, collective action through regional bodies and the African Union (AU) is essential.

A key step would be establishing a Pan-African Climate Accountability Mechanism to monitor and report on countries' progress toward their climate commitments, ensuring transparency and accountability.

The AU's recent inclusion in the G20 and South Africa's 2025 G20 presidency present opportunities to unlock new funding channels for climate initiatives, potentially mobilising resources for adaptation and mitigation efforts.

Africa has the youngest and fastest-growing population, with over 70% of sub-Saharan Africa's population under 30. While many young people are disengaged from formal electoral processes, they are far from passive.

The recent "Occupy Parliament" protests in Kenya (2023) demonstrated a growing push for democratic renewal, and civil society engagement is rising across the continent. To leverage this momentum, governments must invest in climate action by supporting grassroots movements and civil society organisations advocating for democracy and environmental protection.

Additionally, African governments should adopt participatory governance models involving marginalised communities—such as Indigenous groups, smallholder farmers, and women—in climate decision-making. Inclusive policies ensure that those most affected by climate change have a voice in shaping solutions and fostering more effective and equitable climate resilience strategies.

The evidence is clear: where democratic institutions weaken, climate policies suffer. Transparency, accountability, and long-term planning are essential for tackling climate change, and strong democracies are better positioned to enact and sustain effective environmental policies. Addressing the climate crisis requires more than just technological solutions—it demands a renewed commitment to democratic governance worldwide. Without strong institutions and engaged citizens holding governments accountable, climate policies will remain short-term, ineffective, and vulnerable to political shifts. The fight for a sustainable future is also a fight for democracy—and the world cannot afford to lose either.

Makombe is a doctoral candidate in the Department of Politics and International Relations at the University of Johannesburg and a researcher at the University of Johannesburg's Institute for Pan-African Thought and Conversation.

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How weakening democracy undermines climate change fight